H.R. 9893 establishes the ban on American support for UNRWA as law, rendering the demolition of a fundamental pipeline of humanitarian aid to Palestinians throughout the Middle East permanent. In his press release promoting the legislation, the bill’s author “justified” this catastrophe with the unsubstantiated claim that the group is actively engaged in the deliberate spreading of anti-Jewish hatred. Instead, the truth is that UNRWA has repeatedly demonstrated its devotion to a workforce free of antisemitism, and has opened numerous investigations in response to accusations of employee support for terrorism only to find them rooted in reprehensible and damaging lies. By relying on the IHRA’s definition of antisemitism, the bill essentially forbids the Secretary of State from providing financial assistance to any humanitarian organization that speaks critically of Israel. Finally, by mandating that the Secretary certify every individual assistance program, the legislation delays the distribution of essential resources and inherently politicizes funding that, quite literally, saves lives.

Beyond the question of Congressional authorization, the BoP represents a troubling model for the governance and reconstruction of Gaza. Rather than advancing Palestinian self-determination, the structure of the Executive Board itself places Gaza's future under a body lacking Palestinian representation. The charter conditions permanent membership on a $1 billion contribution within the first year, an arrangement that invites states to purchase standing rather than hold a vested interest in the future of Palestinians in Gaza. It contains no meaningful conflict-of-interest rules, auditing requirements, or independent oversight mechanisms, while vesting final authority over budgets, financial accounts, and disbursements in the Chairman and the Executive Board he selects. Rather than add to legitimate international institutions, however flawed, that provide meaningful oversight and global participation, the BoP is set up as a competitor to those institutions while remaining under the purview of a single individual - all checks in his hands, and no balances against them.

H.R. 9680 would direct the State Department to develop and implement a strategy to entirely dismantle UNRWA and transfer its responsibilities to host governments or unspecified international and nongovernmental organizations. The bill identifies no entity with the infrastructure or capacity to assume UNRWA's responsibilities, including operating schools and health clinics, maintaining refugee registration, and delivering essential services to nearly six million refugees across Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria. At a time when Gaza faces catastrophic humanitarian conditions and Palestinians across the occupied territories confront widespread displacement, hunger, and collapsing civilian infrastructure, eliminating the largest humanitarian provider serving Palestinian refugees would jeopardize life-saving assistance. Rather than reforming humanitarian aid, the bill eliminates the only international agency with a dedicated mandate to serve Palestinian refugees, fragmenting a system that has operated for more than seven decades. 

A New Policy opposes the amendment as it is a cosmetic change to section 219 and bad faith politics, and A New Policy is urging Members to OPPOSE the Luna Amendment on that basis. Had the Majority wished to have a real debate on this issue, they could have advanced the Massie-Khanna Amendment to strike Sec. 219 entirely. The fact they did not tells you everything you need to know about this Amendment

The First Amendment is central to American values of freedom and democracy. The great promise of the United States is that it offers the people within it freedom: to speak, to think, to study, and to protest, regardless of our elected officials’ opinions. America’s refusal to ban or remove people based on their beliefs or statements separates us from the repressive, undemocratic regimes from which many of our citizens’ ancestors fled. This Bill aligns with American values by affirming that these principles apply equally to everyone in the United States.

Context: H.R. 8476, introduced by Randy Fine, conditions federal funding for local educational agencies and institutions of higher education by creating new investigative and accountability mechanisms, specifically for allegations of antisemitism on campuses.  This Bill adopts the IHRA definition of antisemitism as its governing standard, a definition broad enough to treat criticism of the  Israeli government and its actions against Palestinians as antisemetic speech.

Sec. 622 does not just aim to increase Israel’s access to U.S. intelligence and intelligence-gathering mechanisms; it also uses the United States’ intelligence as bait to incentivize other nations to normalize relations with Israel by promising American resources and support to foreign countries who do. Even worse, Sec. 622 makes it incredibly difficult for America to limit or restrict Israeli access to information that is classified and compartmentalized at the highest levels of sensitivity.

H.Con.Res. 108 directs the President to remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities in Lebanon within a week of the resolution’s adoption. It is rooted in H.Con.Res. 84, which was introduced in the House by Congresswoman Tlaib on April 13th, 2026. Differing from H.Con.Res 84, which demanded the President remove U.S. Armed Forces from Lebanon, H.Con.Res 108 specifies that personnel be required to leave hostilities in the country. It also includes two new provisions: Section 2, which states that no component of the Resolution can be interpreted as restricting American collaboration with the Lebanese Armed Forces on security matters and issues impacting the safety of diplomatic presences; and Section 3, which establishes that no element of H.Con.Res. 108 should be taken as permitting the use of violence by American troops in Lebanon.

S.4576 attempts to significantly expand the authority, funding, and mandates of established civil rights and security frameworks, specifically for Jewish American communities.  The Bill proposes major expansions under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, codifying components of past executive orders including the controversial EO 13899, as well as expanding institutional requirements under the law for recipients of federal aid, including mandating colleges establish Title VI coordinators and expanding data collection. 

Netanyahu’s plan - laid out in Section 224 and attributed in this Resolution - would imperil critical U.S. military technology and give Israel unprecedented leverage over U.S. policymaking. While backers of the effort have been trying to sell it to the American people as serving our national interest, H.Res. [number pending] says plainly what should be obvious: this is not the Pentagon’s plan - it is Israel’s.

 S. 4495-mandated assessment of reactors in the Middle East would reach Israel’s heavy-water reactor at the Negev Nuclear Research Center near Dimona. That facility is widely assessed to be the production site for the fissile material underpinning Israel’s nuclear weapons, a program Israel has never declared. Israel is not a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, does not place the Dimona reactor under International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards, and maintains a longstanding policy of nuclear opacity under which it neither confirms nor denies possessing nuclear weapons.

H.Res. 1289 is intended to acknowledge the narrative that the Nakba is not a singular historical event confined to the 1940s, but an ongoing process tied to the continued displacement, dispossession, and instability experienced by Palestinians. This resolution argues that Palestinians continue to face conditions that undermine their safety, cultural continuity, and connection to land inhabited by generations of Palestinian communities. It also acknowledges the Palestinian right to equality and human existence equal to any community.

Following unsubstantiated accusations by the Government of Israel that 12 of UNRWA’s approximately 13,000 employees in Gaza participated in Hamas’ October 2023 attack, the Biden Administration paused funding to the agency on January 26, 2024. This decision was later codified into law through provisions in the March 2024 appropriations bills, passed by Congress and signed by President Biden, effectively suspending U.S. financial support to UNRWA until March 2025. 

The War Reserve Stockpile Authority is a U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) stockpile located in Israel. The equipment stored in it is available for use by DoD or for transfer to a foreign country. It lacks a publicly available inventory. Significant withdrawals from WRSA-I have been made for Israeli use during conflicts, without public documentation of the details of the transfers in most cases. There is no required comprehensive reporting to Congress for weapons added to or transferred from WRSA-I, limiting legislative oversight and public accountability.

In effect, the WRSA-I is an opaque method for the U.S. government to rapidly transfer arms to Israel without Congressional oversight or notification. 

A New Policy opposes Section 1221 because extending the WRSA-I reinforces America’s exceptional treatment of Israel, and limits American oversight and accountability mechanisms for Israeli arms transfers.

As political pressure builds to reduce U.S. military assistance to Israel, Section 224 provides the framework for continuing - and expanding - U.S.-Israel military ties by entrenching Israeli technology within the U.S. defense supply chain in a way that would shield it from the annual appropriations process. The use of must-pass legislation as the NDAA as a mechanism of integration speaks to the plummeting popularity of continuing unconditional support to Israel.