The First Amendment is central to American values of freedom and democracy. The great promise of the United States is that it offers the people within it freedom: to speak, to think, to study, and to protest, regardless of our elected officials’ opinions. America’s refusal to ban or remove people based on their beliefs or statements separates us from the repressive, undemocratic regimes from which many of our citizens’ ancestors fled. This Bill aligns with American values by affirming that these principles apply equally to everyone in the United States.

Context: H.R. 8476, introduced by Randy Fine, conditions federal funding for local educational agencies and institutions of higher education by creating new investigative and accountability mechanisms, specifically for allegations of antisemitism on campuses.  This Bill adopts the IHRA definition of antisemitism as its governing standard, a definition broad enough to treat criticism of the  Israeli government and its actions against Palestinians as antisemetic speech.

Sec. 622 does not just aim to increase Israel’s access to U.S. intelligence and intelligence-gathering mechanisms; it also uses the United States’ intelligence as bait to incentivize other nations to normalize relations with Israel by promising American resources and support to foreign countries who do. Even worse, Sec. 622 makes it incredibly difficult for America to limit or restrict Israeli access to information that is classified and compartmentalized at the highest levels of sensitivity.

H.Con.Res. 108 directs the President to remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities in Lebanon within a week of the resolution’s adoption. It is rooted in H.Con.Res. 84, which was introduced in the House by Congresswoman Tlaib on April 13th, 2026. Differing from H.Con.Res 84, which demanded the President remove U.S. Armed Forces from Lebanon, H.Con.Res 108 specifies that personnel be required to leave hostilities in the country. It also includes two new provisions: Section 2, which states that no component of the Resolution can be interpreted as restricting American collaboration with the Lebanese Armed Forces on security matters and issues impacting the safety of diplomatic presences; and Section 3, which establishes that no element of H.Con.Res. 108 should be taken as permitting the use of violence by American troops in Lebanon.

S.4576 attempts to significantly expand the authority, funding, and mandates of established civil rights and security frameworks, specifically for Jewish American communities.  The Bill proposes major expansions under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, codifying components of past executive orders including the controversial EO 13899, as well as expanding institutional requirements under the law for recipients of federal aid, including mandating colleges establish Title VI coordinators and expanding data collection. 

Netanyahu’s plan - laid out in Section 224 and attributed in this Resolution - would imperil critical U.S. military technology and give Israel unprecedented leverage over U.S. policymaking. While backers of the effort have been trying to sell it to the American people as serving our national interest, H.Res. [number pending] says plainly what should be obvious: this is not the Pentagon’s plan - it is Israel’s.

 S. 4495-mandated assessment of reactors in the Middle East would reach Israel’s heavy-water reactor at the Negev Nuclear Research Center near Dimona. That facility is widely assessed to be the production site for the fissile material underpinning Israel’s nuclear weapons, a program Israel has never declared. Israel is not a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, does not place the Dimona reactor under International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards, and maintains a longstanding policy of nuclear opacity under which it neither confirms nor denies possessing nuclear weapons.

H.Res. 1289 is intended to acknowledge the narrative that the Nakba is not a singular historical event confined to the 1940s, but an ongoing process tied to the continued displacement, dispossession, and instability experienced by Palestinians. This resolution argues that Palestinians continue to face conditions that undermine their safety, cultural continuity, and connection to land inhabited by generations of Palestinian communities. It also acknowledges the Palestinian right to equality and human existence equal to any community.

Following unsubstantiated accusations by the Government of Israel that 12 of UNRWA’s approximately 13,000 employees in Gaza participated in Hamas’ October 2023 attack, the Biden Administration paused funding to the agency on January 26, 2024. This decision was later codified into law through provisions in the March 2024 appropriations bills, passed by Congress and signed by President Biden, effectively suspending U.S. financial support to UNRWA until March 2025. 

The War Reserve Stockpile Authority is a U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) stockpile located in Israel. The equipment stored in it is available for use by DoD or for transfer to a foreign country. It lacks a publicly available inventory. Significant withdrawals from WRSA-I have been made for Israeli use during conflicts, without public documentation of the details of the transfers in most cases. There is no required comprehensive reporting to Congress for weapons added to or transferred from WRSA-I, limiting legislative oversight and public accountability.

In effect, the WRSA-I is an opaque method for the U.S. government to rapidly transfer arms to Israel without Congressional oversight or notification. 

A New Policy opposes Section 1221 because extending the WRSA-I reinforces America’s exceptional treatment of Israel, and limits American oversight and accountability mechanisms for Israeli arms transfers.

As political pressure builds to reduce U.S. military assistance to Israel, Section 224 provides the framework for continuing - and expanding - U.S.-Israel military ties by entrenching Israeli technology within the U.S. defense supply chain in a way that would shield it from the annual appropriations process. The use of must-pass legislation as the NDAA as a mechanism of integration speaks to the plummeting popularity of continuing unconditional support to Israel. 

Hostilities in the region escalated sharply following the launch of a coordinated Israeli and U.S. led war against Iran on February 28, 2026. Beginning on March 2, 2026, Israel significantly expanded its strikes in Lebanon as a result of an escalating regional conflict following the war with Iran. Since the launch of Israel’s invasion of Lebanon, at least 3,020 Lebanese have been killed, and more than 1.2 million have been displaced, over 20% of the entire population. Israeli tactics are following the same playbook they used in Gaza leading to the complete destruction of entire towns and communities, forced displacement of entire populations, documented war crimes, including the use of white phosphorus and the deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure, journalists, and medical personnel. Despite a US mediated ceasefire signed in April 2026, Israel is continuing airstrikes throughout Lebanon.

H.R. 8809 addresses a long-recognized gap in the statute. Under current law, organizations that do not receive instruction from a foreign government generally fall outside the definition of a foreign principal, even when their advocacy is structurally aligned with the diplomatic objectives of a foreign state. The legislative history of FARA itself illustrates this gap: in November 1962, the Department of Justice under Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy ordered the American Zionist Council (AZC) to register as a foreign agent on the basis of funding it received from the Jewish Agency for Israel. Shortly thereafter, former AZC personnel reorganized the entity’s lobbying activities under a newly incorporated organization, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), and the registration order was ultimately not enforced. Successive efforts over the following decades to revisit that determination have not resulted in registration. The success of AIPAC in lobbying for Israel centric legislation, following its reorganization from AZC, has led to a plethora of organizations lobbying on behalf of Israel and other foreign governments increasing concerns of adversaries such as Russia and China covertly lobbying through the same loopholes that AIPAC operates.

H.R. 8661 creates an arms transfer funding invisibility cloak through expanded Foreign Military Financing (FMF) loan authority, bypassing the Congressional appropriations process and weakening existing guardrails that constrain how much military support the U.S. can give to foreign countries. The bill allows the Secretary to directly lend money to foreign governments the US deems a national security ally, for the purchase of American weapons systems, military training and support services, and the construction of military facilities and infrastructure.

S. 4443 should be thought of as an expanded version of the Abraham Accords. It cites the Israel Relations Normalization Act of 2022 in its findings to "expand and strengthen the Abraham Accords to encourage other nations to normalize relations with Israel." The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor is not a new concept; it was initially introduced at the September 2023 G20 Summit to create new trade routes linking India through the Middle East to the Mediterranean and Europe to counter the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. While S. 4443 does not explicitly focus on construction of those routes, it is built on the same concept and ideas that pre-date Israel's genocide in Gaza, accelerated settler violence in the West Bank, and wars in Lebanon and Iran. S. 4443 creates incentives and political cover for integration of other states into bilateral agreements between the U.S. and Israel while making no effort to resolve the underlying tensions that Israel's behavior has created.

H.R. 8387 is McCarthyism supercharged. During the McCarthy era, the McCarran-Walter Act of 1952 authorized the deportation of immigrants and naturalized citizens for their political beliefs and associations, but even then, those targeted could still fight their cases in court. H.R. 8387 removes even that protection, making every determination final and unreviewable by any court. Under this Bill, if an immigrant were to attend a meeting of any of the mentioned groups, that person would become deportable, and without judicial review, they would have no avenue to prove they were unaware they had attended a flagged group, or that they disagreed with its views. H.R. 8387 provides significant power to the President to deport and denaturalize American citizens who protest, write, or post social media content advocating for Palestinian human rights. Political leaders have already publicly accused and attempted to deport Green Card holders for doing so with unfounded accusations of supporting foreign terrorist organizations. This Bill would provide the executive branch with greater power to deport American citizens without any recourse for judicial review.